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sábado, 2 de abril de 2011

SORTU en remojo y la violencia fanática desatada

Parece el denominado "efecto mariposa" del que hablan algunos físicos de sistemas como el clima.  En una pequeña, pero inmensa en incultura, iglesia de Florida (EEUU) deciden quemar  un ejemplar de Al Coran y una manada fanática toma por asalto la sede de la ONU en Mazar y asesina en revancha sangrienta a 7 empleados del organismo internacional.

En EEUU eso de quemar en rituales no es nada nuevo. Tienen, con menos ínfulas, pero aún vigente al sangriento Ku Kux Klan o como se ponga en cristiano. Esos dementes quemaban viviendas y personas. Linchaban negros. Aparecían ahorcados en los inmensos magnolios de Carolina del Sur.

Vista de Cabo Cañaveral (Florida)
 Y lo hicieron hasta bien entrados los años 50 cuando en las grandes tiendas como Sacks o Burdines se instalaban muy tranquilamente, dos fuentes para beber agua: una exclusiva para blancos y otra destinada a clientes negros.

Sigo con el 7, ya que es el número de jueces del Supremo que tienen dudas razonables en torno a que SORTU equivalga necesariamente a Batasuna. La organización independentista SORTU es lo que es: lo han explicado alto y claro. Han rechazado la acción armada de ETA. Si el ejercicio de la justicia equivale a prevenir los destinos de una asociación política, pues si que vamos aviados. Es como aprobar una ley de "prevención de la vagancia".

miércoles, 30 de marzo de 2011

Who are the Lybian Opposition/ Cara a cara con la oposición en Libia

Who are the Libyan Freedom Fighters and Their Patrons?
By Prof. Peter Dale Scott

The world is facing a very unpredictable and potentially dangerous situation in North Africa and the Middle East. What began as a memorable, promising, relatively nonviolent achievement of New Politics - the Revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt - has morphed very swiftly into a recrudescence of old habits: America, already mired in two decade-long wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and sporadic air attacks in Yemen and Somalia, now, bombing yet another Third World Country, in this case Libya.

USS Barry launches a Tomahawk missile in support of Operation Odyssey Dawn in the Mediterranean Sea, March 19, 2011. US government handout
The initially stated aim of this bombing was to diminish Libyan civilian casualties. But many, senior figures in Washington, including President Obama, have indicated that the US is gearing up for a quite different war for regime change, one that may well be protracted and could also easily expand beyond Libya.1 If it does expand, the hope for a nonviolent transition to civilian government in Tunisia and Egypt and other Middle East nations experiencing political unrest, may be lost to a hard-edged militarization of government, especially in Egypt. All of us, not just Egyptians, have a major stake in seeing that that does not happen.

The present article does not attempt to propose solutions or a course of action for the United States and its allies, or for the people of the Middle East. It attempts rather to examine the nature of the forces that have emerged in Libya over the last four decades that are presently being played out.

To this end I have begun to compile what I call my Libyan Notebook, a collection of relevant facts that underlie the present crisis. This Notebook will be judgmental, in that I am biased towards collecting facts that the US media tend to ignore, facts that are the product in many instances of investigative reporting that cuts to the heart of power relations, deep structures, and economic interests in the region including the US, Israel, and the Arab States as these have played out over the last two decades and more. But I hope that it will be usefully objective and open-ended, permitting others to draw diverse conclusions from the same set of facts.2

I wish to begin with two ill-understood topics: I. Who Are the Libyan Opposition, and II. Where Are the Libyan Rebel Arms Coming From?

I. Who Are the Libyan Opposition

1) Historically:
"If Muammar Al Gaddafi behaved paranoid, it was for good reason. It wasn't long after he reached the age of 27 and led a small group of junior military officers in a bloodless coup d'état against Libyan King Idris on September 1, 1969, that threats to his power and life emerged - from monarchists, Israeli Mossad, Palestinian disaffections, Saudi security, the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL), the National Conference for the Libyan Opposition (NCLO), British intelligence, United States antagonism and, in 1995, the most serious of all, Al Qaeda-like Libyan Islamic fighting group, known as Al-Jama'a al-Islamiyyah al-Muqatilah bi-Libya. The Colonel reacted brutally, by either expelling or killing those he feared were against him.

2) National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL)

"With the aim of overthrowing Libyan strongman Muammar Khadafy, Israel and the U.S. trained anti-Libyan rebels in a number of West and Central African countries. The Paris-based African Confidential newsletter reported on January 5th, 1989, that the US and Israel had set up a series of bases in Chad and other neighboring countries to train 2000 Libyan rebels captured by the Chad army. The group, called The National Front for the Salvation of Libya, was based in Chad."4

"US official records indicate that funding for the Chad-based secret war against Libya also came from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, Israel and Iraq. The Saudis, for instance, donated $7m to an opposition group, the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (also backed by French intelligence and the CIA). But a plan to assassinate Gadafi and take over the government on 8 May 1984 was crushed. In the following year, the US asked Egypt to invade Libya and overthrow Gadafi but President Mubarak refused. By the end of 1985, the Washington Post had exposed the plan after congressional leaders opposing it wrote in protest to President Reagan."5

"The FNSL [National Front for the Salvation of Libya] was part of the National Conference for the Libyan Opposition held in London in 2005, and British resources are being used to support the FNSL and other 'opposition' in Libya.... The FNSL held its national congress in the USA in July 2007. Reports of 'atrocities' and civilian deaths are being channeled into the western press from operations in Washington DC, and the opposition FNSL is reportedly organizing resistance and military attacks from both inside and outside Libya."6

3) National Conference for the Libyan Opposition (NCLO),

"The main group leading the insurrection is the National Conference for the Libyan Opposition which includes the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL). The NFSL, which is leading the violence, is a U.S.-sponsored armed militia of mostly Libyan expatriates and tribes opposed to al-Qaddafi."7

4) Al-Jama'a al-Islamiyyah al-Muqatilah bi-Libya (Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, LIFG)

"The LIFG was founded in 1995 by a group of mujahideen veterans who had fought against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Upon their return to Libya they grew angry about what they viewed as the corruption and impiety of the Libyan regime and formed the LIFG to create a state that would show what they believed to be the true character of the Libyan people.

The most significant LIFG attack was a 1996 attempt to assassinate Gadhafi; LIFG members led by Wadi al-Shateh threw a bomb underneath his motorcade. The group also stages guerilla-style attacks against government security forces from its mountain bases. Although most LIFG members are strictly dedicated to toppling Gadhafi, intelligence reportedly indicates that some have joined forces with al-Qaida to wage jihad against Libyan and Western interests worldwide. ....

As recently as February 2004, then-Director of Central Intelligence George Tenet testified before the Senate Intelligence Committee that "one of the most immediate threats [to U.S. security] is from smaller international Sunni extremist groups that have benefited from al-Qaida links. They include ... the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group."8

"In recent days Libyan officials have distributed security documents giving the details of Sufiyan al-Koumi, said to be a driver for Osama bin Laden, and of another militant allegedly involved in an "Islamic emirate" in Derna, in now-liberated eastern Libya. Koumi, the documents show, was freed in September 2010 as part of a "reform and repent" initiative organised by Saif al-Islam, Gaddafi's son....

The LIFG, established in Afghanistan in the 1990s, has assassinated dozens of Libyan soldiers and policemen. In 2009, to mark Gaddafi's 40 years in power, it apologised for trying to kill him and agreed to lay down its arms. MI6 [British Intelligence] has been accused in the past of supporting it. Six LIFG leaders, still in prison, disavowed their old ways and explained why fighting Gaddafi no longer constituted "legitimate" jihad. Abdul-Hakim al-Hasadi, another freed LIFG member, denied the official claims. "Gaddafi is trying to divide the people," he told al-Jazeera. "He claims that there is an Islamist emirate in Derna and that I am its emir. He is taking advantage of the fact that I am a former political prisoner."

Derna is famous as the home of a large number of suicide bombers in Iraq. It is also deeply hostile to Gaddafi. "Residents of eastern Libya in general, and Derna in particular, view the Gaddadfa (Gaddafi's tribe) as uneducated, uncouth interlopers from an inconsequential part of the country who have 'stolen' the right to rule in Libya," US diplomats were told in 2008, in a cable since released by WikiLeaks.

The last 110 members of the LIFG were freed on 16 February, the day after the Libyan uprising began. One of those released, Abdulwahab Mohammed Kayed, is the brother of Abu Yahya Al Libi, one of al Qaida's top propagandists. Koumi fled Libya and is said to have ended up in Afghanistan working for Bin Laden. Captured in Pakistan, he was handed over to the US and sent to Guantánamo Bay in 2002. In 2009 he was sent back to Libya.9 US counter-terrorist experts have expressed concern that al-Qaida could take advantage of a political vacuum if Gaddafi is overthrown. But most analysts say that, although the Islamists' ideology has strong resonance in eastern Libya, there is no sign that the protests are going to be hijacked by them.10

Libyan Islamic Fighting Group Members released

"Fierce clashes between [Qadhafi's] security forces and Islamist guerrillas erupted in Benghazi in September 1995, leaving dozens killed on both sides. After weeks of intense fighting, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) formally declared its existence in a communiqué calling Qadhafi's government "an apostate regime that has blasphemed against the faith of God Almighty" and declaring its overthrow to be "the foremost duty after faith in God." [3] This and future LIFG communiqués were issued by Libyan Afghans who had been granted political asylum in Britain.... The involvement of the British government in the LIFG campaign against Qadhafi remains the subject of immense controversy. LIFG's next big operation, a failed attempt to assassinate Qadhafi in February 1996 that killed several of his bodyguards, was later said to have been financed by British intelligence to the tune of $160,000, according to ex-MI5 officer David Shayler. [4] While Shayler's allegations have not been independently confirmed, it is clear that Britain allowed LIFG to develop a base of logistical support and fundraising on its soil. At any rate, financing by bin Laden appears to have been much more important. According to one report, LIFG received up to $50,000 from the Saudi terrorist mastermind for each of its militants killed on the battlefield." [2005]11

"Americans, Britons and the French are finding themselves as comrades in arms with the rebel Islamic Fighting Group, the most radical element in the Al Qaeda network [to bring down Gaddhafi]. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton admitted the risks of the unholy alliance in a congressional hearing, saying that the Libyan opposition is probably more anti-American than Muammar Gaddhafi. A decade ago, this very same delusion of a Western-Islamist partnership in Kosovo, Bosnia and Chechnya ended abruptly in the 9/11 attacks."12

5) Transitional National Council

"A RIVAL transitional government to the regime of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi looks set to win US and other international support as momentum builds to oust the longtime dictator.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton confirmed yesterday that the Obama administration was reaching out to opponents of Colonel Gaddafi. She said the US was willing to offer ‘any kind of assistance' to remove him from power.

Protest leaders who have taken control in Libya's eastern cities claim to have established a transitional "national council" that amounts to rival rule. They have called on the country's army to join them as they prepare for an attack on the capital, Tripoli, where the Libyan leader retains control.

Confident the Libyan leader's 42-year rule was coming to an end, Mrs Clinton said yesterday: ‘We are just at the beginning of what will follow Gaddafi.'"13

6) Facebook

"He [Omar El- Hariri, Chief of Armed Forces for the Transitional National Council] remained under close surveillance by the security forces until Feb. 17, when the revolution started. It was not initiated by prominent figures of the older generation, he said, but began spontaneously when Tunisia and Egypt inspired the youth. ‘Children of Facebook!' he declared, in English, with a broad smile."14

7) Oil

"Libyan rebels in Benghazi said they have created a new national oil company to replace the corporation controlled by leader Muammar Qaddafi whose assets were frozen by the United Nations Security Council.

The Transitional National Council released a statement announcing the decision made at a March 19 meeting to establish the ‘Libyan Oil Company as supervisory authority on oil production and policies in the country, based temporarily in Benghazi, and the appointment of an interim director general" of the company.

The Council also said it "designated the Central Bank of Benghazi as a monetary authority competent in monetary policies in Libya and the appointment of a governor to the Central Bank of Libya, with a temporary headquarters in Benghazi."15

Peter Dale Scott's Libyan Notebook

II. Where Are the Libyan Rebel Arms Coming From?

Robert Fisk, "Libya in turmoil: America's secret plan to arm Libya's rebels;

Obama asks Saudis to airlift weapons into Benghazi," Independent, March 7, 2011:

"Desperate to avoid US military involvement in Libya in the event of a prolonged struggle between the Gaddafi regime and its opponents, the Americans have asked Saudi Arabia if it can supply weapons to the rebels in Benghazi. The Saudi Kingdom, already facing a "day of rage" from its 10 per cent Shia Muslim community on Friday, with a ban on all demonstrations, has so far failed to respond to Washington's highly classified request, although King Abdullah personally loathes the Libyan leader, who tried to assassinate him just over a year ago.

Washington's request is in line with other US military co-operation with the Saudis. The royal family in Jeddah, which was deeply involved in the Contra scandal during the Reagan administration, gave immediate support to American efforts to arm guerrillas fighting the Soviet army in Afghanistan in 1980 ....

But the Saudis remain the only US Arab ally strategically placed and capable of furnishing weapons to the guerrillas of Libya. Their assistance would allow Washington to disclaim any military involvement in the supply chain - even though the arms would be American and paid for by the Saudis.

The Saudis have been told that opponents of Gaddafi need anti-tank rockets and mortars as a first priority to hold off attacks by Gaddafi's armour, and ground-to-air missiles to shoot down his fighter-bombers.

Supplies could reach Benghazi within 48 hours but they would need to be delivered to air bases in Libya or to Benghazi airport. If the guerrillas can then go on to the offensive and assault Gaddafi's strongholds in western Libya, the political pressure on America and Nato - not least from Republican members of Congress - to establish a no-fly zone would be reduced.

US military planners have already made it clear that a zone of this kind would necessitate US air attacks on Libya's functioning, if seriously depleted, anti-aircraft missile bases, thus bringing Washington directly into the war on the side of Gaddafi's opponents.

For several days now, US Awacs surveillance aircraft have been flying around Libya, making constant contact with Malta air traffic control and requesting details of Libyan flight patterns, including journeys made in the past 48 hours by Gaddafi's private jet which flew to Jordan and back to Libya just before the weekend.

Officially, Nato will only describe the presence of American Awacs planes as part of its post-9/11 Operation Active Endeavour, which has broad reach to undertake aerial counter-terrorism measures in the Middle East region.

US Awacs monitor Libya

The data from the Awacs is streamed to all Nato countries under the mission's existing mandate. Now that Gaddafi has been reinstated as a super-terrorist in the West's lexicon, however, the Nato mission can easily be used to search for targets of opportunity in Libya if active military operations are undertaken.

Al Jazeera English television channel last night broadcast recordings made by American aircraft to Maltese air traffic control, requesting information about Libyan flights, especially that of Gaddafi's jet.

An American Awacs aircraft, tail number LX-N90442 could be heard contacting the Malta control tower on Saturday for information about a Libyan Dassault-Falcon 900 jet 5A-DCN on its way from Amman to Mitiga, Gaddafi's own VIP airport.

Nato Awacs 07 is heard to say: "Do you have information on an aircraft with the Squawk 2017 position about 85 miles east of our [sic]?"

Malta air traffic control replies: "Seven, that sounds to be Falcon 900- at flight level 340, with a destination Mitiga, according to flight plan."

But Saudi Arabia is already facing dangers from a co-ordinated day of protest by its own Shia Muslim citizens who, emboldened by the Shia uprising in the neighbouring island of Bahrain, have called for street protests against the ruling family of al-Saud on Friday.

After pouring troops and security police into the province of Qatif last week, the Saudis announced a nationwide ban on all public demonstrations.

Shia organisers claim that up to 20,000 protesters plan to demonstrate with women in the front rows to prevent the Saudi army from opening fire.

If the Saudi government accedes to America's request to send guns and missiles to Libyan rebels, however, it would be almost impossible for President Barack Obama to condemn the kingdom for any violence against the Shias of the north-east provinces.

Thus has the Arab awakening, the demand for democracy in North Africa, the Shia revolt and the rising against Gaddafi become entangled in the space of just a few hours with US military priorities in the region. "16

"Libya rebels coordinating with West on air assault," Los Angeles Times, March 24, 2011

"Reports from the region suggest that the Saudis and Egyptians have been providing arms. Though U.S. officials could not confirm that, they say it is plausible."17

"Egypt Said to Arm Libya Rebels," Wall Street Journal, March 17, 2011:

"CAIRO-Egypt's military has begun shipping arms over the border to Libyan rebels with Washington's knowledge, U.S. and Libyan rebel officials said.

The shipments-mostly small arms such as assault rifles and ammunition-appear to be the first confirmed case of an outside government arming the rebel fighters. Those fighters have been losing ground for days in the face of a steady westward advance by forces loyal to Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi.

The Egyptian shipments are the strongest indication to date that some Arab countries are heeding Western calls to take a lead in efforts to intervene on behalf of pro-democracy rebels in their fight against Mr. Gadhafi in Libya. Washington and other Western countries have long voiced frustration with Arab states' unwillingness to help resolve crises in their own region, even as they criticized Western powers for attempting to do so.

The shipments also follow an unusually robust diplomatic response from Arab states. There have been rare public calls for foreign military intervention in an Arab country, including a vote by the 23-member Arab League last week urging the U.N. to impose a no-fly zone over Libya.

The vote provided critical political cover to Western powers wary of intervening militarily without a broad regional and international mandate. On Thursday evening, the U.N. Security Council voted on a resolution endorsing a no-fly zone in Libya and authorizing military action in support of the rebels.

Within the council, Lebanon took a lead role drafting and circulating the draft of the resolution, which calls for "all necessary measures" to enforce a ban on flights over Libya. The United Arab Emirates and Qatar have taken the lead in offering to participate in enforcing a no-fly zone, according to U.N. diplomats.

Libyan rebel officials in Benghazi, meanwhile, have praised Qatar from the first days of the uprising, calling the small Gulf state their staunchest ally. Qatar has consistently pressed behind the scenes for tough and urgent international action behind the scenes, these officials said.

Qatari flags fly prominently in rebel-held Benghazi. After pro-Gadhafi forces retook the town of Ras Lanuf last week, Libyan state TV broadcast images of food-aid packages bearing the Qatari flag.

Anti-Gadhafi fighters in Benghazi

The White House has been reluctant to back calls from leaders in Congress for arming Libya's rebels directly, arguing that the U.S. must first fully assess who the fighters are and what policies they will pursue if they succeeded in toppling Col. Gadhafi. U.S. officials believe the opposition includes some Islamist elements. They fear that Islamist groups hostile to the U.S. could try to hijack the opposition and take any arms that are provided.

The Egyptian weapons transfers began ‘a few days ago' and are ongoing, according to a senior U.S. official. ‘There's no formal U.S. policy or acknowledgement that this is going on,' said the senior official. But ‘this is something we have knowledge of.'

Calls to Egypt's foreign ministry and the spokesman for the prime minister seeking comment went unanswered. There is no means of reaching Egypt's military for comment. An Egyptian official in Washington said he had no knowledge of weapon shipments.

The U.S. official also noted that the shipments appeared to come "too little, too late" to tip the military balance in favor of the rebels, who have faced an onslaught from Libyan forces backed by tanks, artillery and aircraft.

"We know the Egyptian military council is helping us, but they can't be so visible," said Hani Souflakis, a Libyan businessman in Cairo who has been acting as a rebel liaison with the Egyptian government since the uprising began.

"Weapons are getting through," said Mr. Souflakis, who says he has regular contacts with Egyptian officials in Cairo and the rebel leadership in Libya. "Americans have given the green light to the Egyptians to help. The Americans don't want to be involved in a direct level, but the Egyptians wouldn't do it if they didn't get the green light."

Western officials and rebel leaders in Libya said the U.S. has wanted to avoid being seen as taking a leadership role in any military action against Mr. Gadhafi after its invasions of Iraq and Afganistan fueled anger and mistrust with Washington throughout the region.

But the U.S. stated clearly it wants Mr. Gadhafi out of power and has signaled it would support those offering help to the rebels militarily or otherwise.

A spokesman for the rebel government in Benghazi said arms shipments have begun arriving to the rebels but declined to specify where they came from.

"Our military committee is purchasing arms and arming our people. The weapons are coming, but the nature of the weapons, the amount, where it's coming from, that has been classified," said the spokesman, Mustafa al-Gherryani.

The U.S. official said Egypt wanted to keep the shipments covert. In public, Egypt has sought to maintain a neutral stance toward the rebel uprising in Libya. Egypt abstained during the Arab League's vote calling for the U.N. to impose a no-fly zone on Mr. Gadhafi, according to people familiar with the internal Arab League deliberations.

Hundreds of thousands of Egyptian laborers are believed to still be in Libya.

On the other hand, the Egyptian military's covert support for the rebels suggests that it has calculated that Mr. Gadhafi is unlikely to remain in power, at least in the eastern half of the country, and therefore Egypt is eager to begin to build good relations with the rebels.

Rebel forces in the past 24 hours appeared to make some progress fending off pro-Gadhafi forces' assaults and have rolled out new weapons for the first time since the uprising began last month. Among them are rebel tanks that have taken up positions on the front lines in recent days. Rebels also launched fighter-jet attacks on government positions on Wednesday for the first time so far.

The tanks and fighter jets are believed to have been among the weapons seized by rebels from defected units of the Libyan army in the eastern half of the country, but they have received spare parts or trained mechanics from outside the country to help them deploy them, some rebel officials have speculated.

-Sam Dagher and Adam Entous contributed to this article.18

Benjamin Gottlieb, "Egypt Arms Libyan Rebels As Gaddafi's Conquest Continues," NeonTommy Annenberg Digital News, March 17, 2011:

Arms shipments from Egypt's military have begun flowing across the border into Libya with U.S. knowledge, Libyan rebels and U.S. officials said Thursday.

Made up mostly of small arms, such as assault rifles and ammunition, the shipments are the first confirmed reports of an outside government supporting rebel fighters with weapons. Rebels have been loosing ground for days against pro-Gaddafi forces aiming to end the conflict before foreign intervention plans are finalized.

Although the U.N. approved a "no-fly zone" over Libya late Thursday, rebel forces fear that any planned foreign intervention would be too little to late.

No-Fly Zone

The shipment of arms indicated an unusually bold response by an Arab nation intervening in a conflict outside its borders. There have also been rare public decrees for the West to intervene in the conflict - the Arab League voted 23-0 last week encouraging the U.N. to impose the "no-fly zone" over Libya.

In spite of reports of arms flowing across the Egyptian boarder, Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Menha Bakhoum told Reuters that Egypt would not be involved in any military intervention in neighboring Libya.

"Egypt will not be among those Arab states. We will not be involved in any military intervention. No intervention period," Bakhoum said.

Bakhoum was responding to comments by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who said Thursday that discussions were on the table regarding Arab involvement in U.S. and European intervention in the conflict.

Clinton has said repeatedly that the U.S. desires involvement from a neighboring Arab nation in any planned intervention.

A Libyan rebel government spokesman in Benghazi, Mustafa al-Gherryani, said rebels have begun receiving arms shipments from neighboring nations, however he declined to reveal their origin.

"Our military committee is purchasing arms and arming our people. The weapons are coming, but the nature of the weapons, the amount, where it's coming from, that has been classified," he said.19

Yoichi Shimatsu, "Mideast Revolutions and 9-11 Intrigues Created in Qatar," New America Media, March 1, 2011

"It may puzzle and perhaps dismay young protesters in Benghazi, Cairo and Tunisia that their democratic hopes are being manipulated by an ultra-conservative Arab elite which has underhandedly backed a surge of militant Islamist radicals across North Africa. Credible U.S. intelligence reports have cited evidence pointing to Qatar's long-running support for the Muslim Brotherhood, Al Qaeda and jihadist fighters returning from Afghanistan.

The links to Qatar uncovered by anti-terrorism investigators in the wake of 9-11 need to be reexamined now that the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), an on-and-off affiliate of Al Qaeda, has seized armories across half of the North African country. Libya's well-stocked arsenals contain high-power explosives, rocket launchers and chemical weapons. LIFG is on the State Department's terrorist list.

Most worrying, according to a U.S. intelligence official cited by CNN, is the probable loss of chemical weapons. The Federation of American Scientists reports that, as of 2008, only 40 percent of Libya's mustard gas was destroyed in the second round of decommissioning. Chemical canisters along the Egyptian border were yet to be retrieved and are now presumably in the hands of armed militants.

After initially letting slip that the earliest Libyan protests were organized by the LIFG, Al Jazeera quickly changed its line to present a heavily filtered account portraying the events as ‘peaceful protests'. To explain away the gunshot deaths of Libyan soldiers during the uprising, the Qatar-based network presented a bizarre scenario of 150 dead soldiers in Libya having been executed by their officers for ‘refusing to fight'. The mysterious officers then miraculously vacated their base disappearing into thin air while surrounded by angry protesters! Off the record, one American intelligence analyst called these media claims an ‘absurdity' and suggested instead the obvious: that the soldiers were gunned down in an armed assault by war-hardened returned militants from Iraq and Afghanistan....

According to a Congressional Research Service report of January 2008, ‘Some observers have raised questions about possible support for Al Qaeda by some Qatari citizens, including members of Qatar's large ruling family. According to the 9/11 Commission Report, Qatar's Interior Minister provided a safe haven to 9/11 mastermind Khalid Shaikh Mohammed during the mid-1990s, and press reports indicate other terrorists may have received financial support or safe haven in Qatar after September 11, 2001.'

The national security chief, Interior Minister Abdullah bin Khalid al-Thani, is further mentioned as paying for a 1995 trip by Khalid Shaikh Mohammed ‘to join the Bosnia jihad.' The report recalls how after the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, FBI officials "narrowly missed an opportunity to capture" the suspect in Qatar. ‘Former U.S. officials have since stated their belief that a high-ranking member of the Qatari government alerted him to the impending raid, allowing him to flee the country.'"20

Peter Dale Scott, a former Canadian diplomat and English Professor at the University of California, Berkeley, is the author of Drugs Oil and War, The Road to 9/11, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War. His most recent book is American War Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection and the Road to Afghanistan. Peter Dale Scott is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). His most recent book is American War Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection and the Road to Afghanistan.


1 “Defense Secretary Gates, who recently warned against any further protracted US ground war, said on March 23 that the end of military action in Libya is unknown and could last longer than a few weeks. ‘I think there are any number of possible outcomes here and no one is in a position to predict them,’ Gates told reporters in Egypt” (C-Span, March 24, 2011).

2 Interested readers may wish to consult my first exploration, “Googling ‘Revolution’ in North Africa.”

3 Dan Lieberman, “Muammar Al Gaddafi Meets His Own Rebels,” CounterCurrents.org, March 9, 2011.

4 Joel Bainerman, Inside the Covert Operations of the CIA & Israel's Mossad (New York: S.P.I. Books, 1994), 14.

5 Richard Keeble, “The Secret War Against Libya,” MediaLens, 2002.

6 "Petroleum and Empire in North Africa. NATO Invasion of Libya Underway," By Keith Harmon Snow, 2 March 2011.

7 Ghali Hassan, “U.S. Love Affair with Murderous Dictators and Hate for Democracy.” Axis of Logic, Mar 17, 2011.

8 Center for Defense Information, “In the Spotlight: The Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG),” January 18, 2005

9 Qadhafi was concerned about Al Qaeda terrorism in Libya, and in 1996 Libya became the first government to place Osama bin Laden on Interpol’s Wanted List (Rohan Gunaratna, Inside Al Qaeda: Global Network of Terror [New York: Columbia UP, 2002], 142). Thereafter American and Libyan intelligence collaborated closely for some years against Al Qaeda. Beginning when?

10 Ian Black, “Libya rebels rejects Gaddafi's al-Qaida spin,” Guardian, March 1, 2011.

11 Gary Gambill, "The Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), Jamestown Foundation," Terrorism Monitor, May 5, 2005,; citing Al-Hayat (London), 20 October 1995 [“communiqué”]; "The Shayler affair: The spooks, the Colonel and the jailed whistle-blower," The Observer (London), 9 August 1998; Jean-Charles Brisard and Guillaume Dasquié, Ben Laden: La Verite interdite (Bin Ladin: The Forbidden Truth). Cf. also Annie Machon, Spies, Lies and Whistleblowers: MI5, MI6 And the Shayler Affair (Book Guild Publishing, 2005) [Shayler].

12 Yoichi Shimatsu, “Attack on Libya: Why Odyssey Dawn Is Doomed,” New America Media, March 20, 2011.

13 “US reaches out to Libyan insurgents,” The Australian, March 1, 2011,

14 “How a onetime friend to Gadhafi became his rival,” Globe and Mail [Toronto], March 4, 2011.

15 Libyan Rebel Council in Benghazi Forms Oil Company to Replace Qaddafi’s,” Bloomberg, March 22, 2011.

16 Robert Fisk, “America's secret plan to arm Libya's rebels,” Independent, March 7, 2011.

17 “Libya rebels coordinating with West on air assault,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 2011.

18 “Egypt Said to Arm Libya Rebels,” Wall Street Journal, March 17, 2011,

19 Benjamin Gottlieb, “Egypt Arms Libyan Rebels As Gaddafi's Conquest Continues,” NeonTommy Annenberg Digital News, March 17, 2011.

20 Yoichi Shimatsu, “Mideast Revolutions and 9-11 Intrigues Created in Qatar,” New America Media, March 1, 2011. The al-Thani family’s protection of Khalid Shaikh Mohammed is confirmed by former CIA officer Robert Baer (Los Angeles Times, March 23, 2003). Cf. Robert Baer, Sleeping with the Devil (New York: Crown, 2003); Peter Lance, Triple Cross (New York: Regan/HarperCollins, 2006), 234-37.

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© Copyright Peter Dale Scott, The Asia-Pacific Journal Vol 9, Issue 13 No 3, March 28, 2011., 2011
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martes, 29 de marzo de 2011

"Gerardo", un espía de Fidel infiltró durante 30 años al enemigo.

Falso ropaje
Autores: Deisy Mexidor, Marina Menéndez y Jean-Guy Allard

Enmascaradas con una fachada «humanitaria», algunas ONGs son utilizadas en acciones de subversión directa contra Cuba. José Manuel Collera Vento, el agente Gerardo de la Seguridad del Estado, pone al descubierto los intentos por penetrar la comunidad religiosa

Sabía desde el principio que detrás de aquella búsqueda insaciable por conocer sobre presuntas necesidades materiales había, como se dice en buen cubano, «gato encerrado». Su olfato de viejo agente le indicaba hacia un punto indefinido todavía; el asunto era averiguarlo.
El agente Gerardo junto a Marc Wachtenheim, durante una de las visitas de este colaborador de la CIA a Cuba.
Todo comenzó a finales del año 2000, cuando José Manuel Collera Vento fungía al frente de una institución masónica por medio de la cual se le acercaron personas procedentes de Estados Unidos que le fueron presentadas por el ciudadano Gustavo Pardo Valdés. Aparentemente los unían sentimientos afines ligados a la organización fraternal, y se vincularon con él interesadas en promover un proyecto humanitario. «Sin embargo, en la marcha de esas relaciones se hizo evidente que había otros propósitos».
Enseguida fue notorio que esos individuos «tenían una gran influencia y presencia en los medios sociales, culturales y políticos de aquel país». Pero lo que le llamó la atención fue que la masonería no constituía realmente el nexo que los vinculaba.
Además, ¿por qué le importaban a la Sección de Intereses de Washington en La Habana y a sus funcionarios, los términos de esa «ayuda» que se perfilaba? De una forma u otra, alguno de sus funcionarios estaba siempre presente en los encuentros con emisarios de las ONGs que enviarían el soporte humanitario.
La bancada republicana del Senado estadounidense le otorgó a Collera la Medalla de la Libertad por los «servicios prestados». Lejos estaban de imaginar que su homenajeado era agente de la seguridad cubana.
Hacia el año 2002 ya los nexos de Collera con la canadiense Fundación Donner, utilizada por el enemigo para enmascarar el financiamiento de proyectos subversivos contra la Isla, y la Fundación Panamericana para el Desarrollo (FUPAD), un engendro de la OEA cuyos mayores ingresos proceden de la USAID (sigla en inglés de la Agencia para el Desarrollo Internacional de EE.UU.), eran fluidos.
Asistió en reiteradas ocasiones a la SINA junto a directivos de esas ONGs en tiempos de Vicky Huddleston, James Cason y Michael Parmly como jefes de la oficina.
Así entabló relaciones con personajes como Curtin Winsor, un ex embajador de Estados Unidos en Costa Rica que estaba ahora al frente de la Donner, quien junto al masón Akram Elías, ex Gran Maestro de la Gran Logia de Washington, le presentaron a Marc Wachtenheim, colaborador de la CIA vinculado a uno de sus oficiales, Rene Greenwald. Estos últimos realizaron un estudio minucioso de las capacidades tecnológicas de las redes cubanas de infocomunicaciones. Hasta el 2010, Wachtenheim fue el director del Programa Iniciativa para el desarrollo de Cuba de la FUPAD, también receptora del dinero del Fondo Nacional para la Democracia (NED).
El caso es que «ellos comenzaron hablando de la informática, luego de las bibliotecas, de las farmacias independientes, fuera de los marcos estatales»… y al final Collera estaba sentado en el 2005, en Washington, delante del halcón Otto Reich, ex subsecretario de Estado.
La conversación con él fue «básicamente para oír sus opiniones respecto a la situación en Cuba. Se interesó por el contrarrevolucionario Gustavo Pardo y por la posibilidad de un "cambio" que significaba tumbar el Gobierno», aunque «temían mucho que eso fuera de modo brusco porque, a juicio de ellos, tal coyuntura ocasionaría un éxodo masivo» hacia territorio estadounidense «que no les convenía».
Como desconocen la real sociedad civil cubana, sus planes preveían crear otra paralela, en línea con sus intereses subversivos y en ese contexto, según dedujo, imaginaron que la masonería sería una confraternidad llamada a emerger con un liderazgo durante la «transición».
José Manuel Collera siempre se ha considerado un martiano fervoroso.
En esa oportunidad sintió que le estaban «dando demasiado importancia a mi persona» porque los «encuentros iban y venían». Recuerda que también se entrevistó «en casa de Winsor con un enemigo visceral de la Revolución Cubana: el terrorista Frank Calzón», quien le comentó de enviarle «medicamentos y medios, sobre todo radios para captar la onda corta, algo que nunca hizo».
Pero a José Manuel Collera sí le constó que Calzón mantenía lazos y abastecía a elementos de la contrarrevolución en la Isla como lo hacía con Pardo, un sujeto que desde joven colaboró con la CIA en acciones de sabotaje y planes de atentado contra el Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro, lo que le valió sanciones de los tribunales cubanos.
De sorpresa en sorpresa fue Collera durante esa estancia en Estados Unidos. Lo recibieron hasta en el Consejo Nacional de Seguridad, donde se dedicaron «solo a escucharme, no daban opiniones», y eso lo hacía experimentar cierta incomodidad.
Concluyó que, en efecto, trataban de utilizarlo, y buscaban información sobre el tema que tanto le quita el sueño a quienes, en Washington, aspiran a revertir la Revolución: su criterio «respecto a la posibilidad de un cambio en Cuba y cuál sería la situación objetiva para lograrlo».
Por otra parte, en sus encuentros pudo constatar la convicción del Gobierno estadounidense de que «no hay líderes dentro de la denominada disidencia porque, en primer lugar, las cabezas visibles carecían de reconocimiento dentro de la pequeña comunidad de los "opositores", y porque no constituyen una realidad política».

La llegada al poder de una administración demócrata no representó transformación alguna para las deterioradas relaciones entre Estados Unidos y Cuba.
El presidente Barack Obama, aunque ha pretendido dar una imagen distinta en ese sentido, lo único que ha propiciado son modificaciones cosméticas; eliminando algunas de las medidas draconianas que había impuesto George W. Bush y con el empleo de un tono más bajo en su discurso, ha recrudecido el bloqueo contra Cuba.
Desde su ascenso a la Casa Blanca se incrementaron las multas contra quienes han intentado flanquear las barreras impuestas por el cerco económico, lo que indica que esta política sigue vigente con todo su rigor.
Ahora la confirmación de otros 20 millones de dólares en el 2011 para el espionaje y la subversión en la Isla, ha acercado a Obama un poco más a los sectores reaccionarios de la derecha en Florida. Su actuación es consecuente con la herencia del Plan Bush en sus versiones de los años 2004 y 2006.
Precisamente, el rol que desempeñarían las ONGs para provocar «un cambio» en Cuba está bien detallado en el capítulo II de aquel programa anexionista, cuando habla de traspasar «a las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales e iglesias gran parte de las responsabilidades que actualmente tiene el Estado socialista en el aseguramiento de los servicios básicos», y pretende acusar a la Revolución de no dar respuesta a las necesidades humanitarias más importantes del pueblo. Para los «ideólogos» de la transición, este escenario solo se superaría en una era «post Castro».
En cuanto a la FUPAD, su accionar contra Cuba se ha ido diversificando y extendiendo en sectores como el intelectual y el religioso. Con los fondos del contribuyente estadounidense, abastecen a los ciudadanos que intentan captar para la ejecución de sus proyectos subversivos dentro de nuestro país.

José Manuel Collera iba ganando conciencia de que tales postulados estaban detrás de las ONGs que se le acercaron. Y sabía que, en su desesperación por minar el proyecto social internamente, podían apelar a cualquier método.
El 18 de septiembre de 2006, lo comprobó cuando la Miami Medical Team Foundation, organización vinculada a la USAID, le propuso que «buscara a personas de total confianza» para algo gordo. Esa agrupación intenta sabotear la ayuda internacionalista de Cuba en otras naciones, promoviendo acciones para la deserción de especialistas en el sector de la salud.
Una descabellada propuesta le fue realizada a Collera: buscar gente confiable que debía tener conocimientos en informática y habilidades para «provocar, con el uso de tecnologías de infocomunicaciones fuera del control gubernamental, un desorden en el sistema de computadoras del aeropuerto de Miami y Atlanta», aunque le mencionaron «la posibilidad de otras 13 terminales aeroportuarias con mucho tráfico dentro del territorio de Estados Unidos».
Se pensaba en un posible ataque cibernético. De concretarse el siniestro plan que le heló la sangre en las venas, el mundo habría contemplado un «verdadero desastre», que daría el pretexto para una intervención directa contra la Isla. «Cuba resultaría acusada, y tendrían la justificación perfecta para una acción armada "de respuesta" contra nuestro país».
Dos días después, en un contacto con Manuel Alzugaray, en la actualidad presidente y uno de los principales ejecutivos de la Miami Medical Team Foundation, Collera corroboró que se estaba jugando al duro.
Alzugaray, un individuo que abandonó Cuba al principio de la Revolución y acumula desde entonces un amplio currículum terrorista, le comentó que se había creado «un grupo especial en la Casa Blanca dirigido por la entonces jefa de la diplomacia estadounidense, Condoleeza Rice, que era apoyado por el Comando Sur y cuyo objetivo consistía en promover el fin del Gobierno cubano».
Debía seguir, según le orientaron, en la tarea de «organizar la entrada de "ayuda humanitaria" mediante la puerta de la masonería», y a la vez le plantearon un elemento nuevo para precipitar ese proceso: pasando por encima de su condición de médico, le participaron la idea de ubicar «las instalaciones científicas y hospitales en Cuba donde se manejaban isótopos radioactivos», y le insinuaron que el Centro de Ingeniería Genética y Biotecnología era un probable punto donde existirían.
La indicación obedecía a la preocupación de las autoridades norteamericanas de que en caso de una agresión militar a Cuba, sus tropas pudieran ser afectadas por el uso de las llamadas bombas sucias radioactivas.
Imaginaba que aquello superaba sus fuerzas y tragó en seco. ¿Hasta dónde eran capaces de llegar estas ONGs con fachada humanitaria?
Pero aquel día de septiembre también se entrevistó con funcionarios de confianza de la Rice.
Por supuesto, las preguntas fueron las mismas: ¿Cuál era la situación en Cuba? ¿Qué podría pasar en un futuro cercano? ¿Cómo «ayudar» a su institución ante una eventual coyuntura política vinculada a la «transición»?
Esa propia tarde, durante el traslado al aeropuerto de Miami para su regreso a La Habana, Collera recibió además la confirmación de que el jefe de la Sección de Intereses de Estados Unidos en Cuba lo vería tras su arribo al territorio nacional para entregarle una visa permanente, la cual había sido solicitada a Robert Blau, entonces consejero político económico de la SINA.
Los contactos iban subiendo de nivel y las conversaciones se vislumbraban siempre más allá de la filantropía.

Durante todo este tiempo, José Manuel tuvo que hacerse de mucho nervio. No resultaba fácil para él ofrecer un discurso complaciente y escuchar en ocasiones, sin inmutarse, los planes que se estaban tramando.
Una vez, incluso, le propusieron que participara en un acto en el Kennedy Center, de Nueva Jersey, y que en ese marco le entregara un diploma a Lincoln Díaz-Balart.
Lo presentaron como «un cubano que ahora va a decir aquí lo que no puede decir allá». Pero se olió una trampa en aquellas palabras y pensó rápidamente que debía ser cuidadoso en cómo se expresaría.
Entonces tomó el micrófono y, sin dirigirse a alguien en particular, «les expresé que iba a decir allí lo mismo que podía decir aquí», para agregar luego una idea que creó la duda entre los asistentes: «la libertad está dentro de uno mismo, la libertad no depende del entorno». ¿A qué se refería?, se habrán preguntado.
Sin pérdida de tiempo empezó a «"realzar" la figura de Díaz-Balart» e ideó en el transcurso de la oratoria la manera de no traicionarse a sí mismo, «porque ese es uno de los enemigos más encarnizados de la Revolución Cubana».
La solución que encontró fue calificarlo como «uno de los polos en un diferendo que existe entre una gran nación y una pequeña Isla», sin manifestar quién tenía la razón.
Cuando terminó, los presentes lo felicitaron porque «¡contra, como hablaste bien de Díaz-Balart!». Sin embargo, para el invocado no pasaron por alto las sutilezas de aquellas palabras y comentó a los organizadores de la ceremonia que «el "chamaco" sabía lavar y guardar la ropa».

Los viajes en uno y otro sentido se incrementaban. Los contactos también. Collera llegó a realizar alrededor de seis visitas a Estados Unidos en un breve lapso y era partícipe de los recorridos de los emisarios y funcionarios de la FUPAD a la Isla.
«Se conversaba mucho allá sobre la ausencia del Comandante en Jefe debido a su enfermedad», lo que interpretaban como «una buena coyuntura para promover los pasos hacia "la democracia", pues consideraban que había "una falta de liderazgo en el país"».
En octubre de 2008, el norteamericano John Heard y el colombiano experto en logística, comunicaciones e informática Héctor Cortés Castellanos, ambos emisarios de la FUPAD, arriban a La Habana con el propósito de «explorar el terreno y no iniciar ningún tipo de proyecto sin antes tener bien claras las formas de empleo de los recursos y su manejo», había indicado Wachtenheim.
Ya en suelo cubano, Heard —un graduado en Relaciones Internacionales que también desde 1983 se había vinculado a la USAID—, se interesó por conocer los niveles de «"penetración" de la Seguridad del Estado en los diferentes grupos poblacionales. También manifestó el deseo de entrevistarse en Pinar del Río con el contrarrevolucionario Dagoberto Valdés y el consejo de redacción de la revista Convivencia, de igual perfil. Además, fuimos a ver a un escritor llamado Raúl Capote», recuerda.
En ese viaje, «a Valdés se le entregó una computadora portátil y un paquete de medicinas y, a su vez, él sugirió un encuentro con la contrarrevolucionaria Carmen Vallejo, quien desde 1988 montó un proyecto de supuesta atención a niños y jóvenes enfermos de cáncer, con el apoyo material y financiero de la SINA así como de embajadas europeas».
Pero el haber involucrado a Collera sin la autorización de la FUPAD en el conocimiento de todos sus conectos en la capital cubana, le costó a los emisarios que los «sacaran de circulación». Al parecer «violaron una elemental regla de compartimentación, aunque ambos tomaron sus medidas de clandestinidad para obtener información, al estilo de los Servicios Especiales. Por eso fotografiaron las notas tomadas en los contactos, destruyeron papeles y ocultaron la tarjeta de memoria de su cámara fotográfica».
En este rol que le iban adjudicando, José Manuel «necesitaba fomentar contactos personales con gente en todas las provincias para, llegado el momento, poder activar una red de colaboradores desde Guantánamo hasta Pinar del Río» cuando comenzara la entrada al país de la supuesta ayuda humanitaria, que era la fachada de las ONGs instrumento de EE.UU. para «meter lo suyo». La tónica de la asistencia siempre llevaría el sello de que se destinaría a las capas más vulnerables de la población cubana.
A estas alturas, el camino de José Manuel Collera estaba abierto ante Washington. En septiembre de 2009 lo recibieron en la oficina del Buró Cuba, perteneciente al Departamento de Estado, cuando fue a realizar los trámites para la prórroga de su visado. En esa gestión lo acompañaron Humberto Alfonso Collado, un emisario de la FUPAD, y Wachtenheim.
Al atenderlo le aseguraron que «no tendría más dificultades para resolver la visa, y que tampoco eso sería un problema en lo adelante cuando deseara viajar a Estados Unidos».

En uno de los múltiples encuentros de Collera con Marc Wachtenheim, este le pidió «una caracterización de la situación socio política del país y, además, que tratara de lograr el acceso a un teléfono celular y a Internet para facilitar la comunicación entre ambos».
Igualmente, le sugirió que «intentara invertir en un negocio ilegal que le permitiera ganarse unos pesos, tal vez como pantalla para que pasaran inadvertidos los pagos que recibía a través de la FUPAD».
Eso sí, debía mantener al día sus cuentas, incluso el director del Programa Cuba de la Fundación le orientó que mandara los vales de gastos, como lo instruyó el 3 de marzo de 2009.
La última vez que José Manuel vio a Wachtenheim, en diciembre de 2009, este le dejó «cien euros para gastos personales, un disco externo, un escáner y el teléfono celular que utilizó durante su estadía en la Isla con un saldo de más de cien dólares de crédito».
Por los intereses demostrados y sus posibilidades, a Collera no le quedaron dudas de que estaba ante un agente de la CIA, y que la «supuesta ayuda humanitaria estaba permeada, controlada, fiscalizada, dirigida y monitoreada» por la Sección de Intereses de Estados Unidos en La Habana, de un modo que «nada tenía que ver con nuestra realidad institucional».
Tanto era así que, previo acuerdo con el funcionario de la SINA Joaquín Monserrate y con Wachtenheim, los emisarios de la FUPAD sostuvieron una reunión el 4 de diciembre en la Oficina de Intereses, para analizar la marcha de sus proyectos subversivos.
Sobre la palestra estaban, entre otras tareas orientadas a Collera dentro de la masonería, «crear una red de computación con acceso a Internet que permitiera la comunicación con el exterior y un detalle significativo: debía estar fuera del control de las autoridades cubanas; impulsar las denominadas bibliotecas independientes; darle luz verde al suministro de medicamentos a través de unas llamadas mini farmacias, y organizar conferencias sobre temas específicos.
«Ellos financiarían los viajes dentro y fuera del país, y ayudarían a modernizar los medios de impresión de la Gran Logia de Cuba».
Wachtenheim le prometió que volvería para unas actividades de la masonería a principios de 2010; sin embargo, recibió una sorpresiva llamada telefónica en la que le informa sobre la suspensión momentánea de todos los planes. «No hace mucho tuve un nuevo contacto con él. Me comentó que ya estaba fuera de la FUPAD, pero que estaba realizando el mismo trabajo y para eso crearía su propio grupo, lo cual le daría más independencia».

José Manuel Collera Vento es médico pediatra de profesión, graduado en 1970. Pinareño de nacimiento. Hijo de campesinos. Cumplió misión internacionalista en Angola entre 1983 a 1985. Fue directivo de la Gran Logia de Cuba, institución en la cual ocupó distintas responsabilidades a partir de 1975, y llegó a presidirla en el 2000. En el mismo año ‘75 inició la colaboración con la Seguridad del Estado.
De acuerdo con la caracterización que se hizo de él se auguraba que podría convertirse en un gran agente, por sus cualidades personales y su prestigio dentro de la masonería. Más de tres décadas después se confirma aquel vaticinio.
Sonríe ante esta apreciación y medio en broma recuerda que «algo bueno hicimos, porque en Estados Unidos me dieron la Medalla de la Libertad que se considera, según supe, el más alto "honor" que otorga la bancada republicana en el Senado».
Durante casi 30 años fue «Duarte» para la Seguridad cubana. Por cuestiones operativas «hace seis años cambié mi seudónimo y me dieron a elegir mi nuevo "nombre". Pensé en nuestros cinco hermanos y en especial en uno. Por eso, a partir de ese momento he sido Gerardo».
Ahora, cuando las cortinas del anonimato se descorren, dice que se siente muy tranquilo porque «creo que he cumplido con mi deber, algo que todos, de una manera o de otra, tenemos la obligación moral de hacer por nuestra historia tan larga de luchas, que es una sola. Estoy totalmente comprometido como cubano y como patriota. Soy un martiano fervoroso y también cespedista. Además, como masón, actué para proteger a todos aquellos a quienes amo y defiendo»

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