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lunes, 12 de septiembre de 2011

A vueltas con Osama bin Laden

Han transcurrido 10 peligrosos años desde el ataque a las Torres Gemelas, al Pentágono y de la explosión de otro avión sobre Pensilvania. La guerra de Afganistán se ha cobrado  2537 muertos y un número indeterminado de heridos. Madrid, Londres y otros muchos lugares han sufrido con creces la acción de un enemigo resbaladizo al que se asocia con el terrorismo islámico o la artera acción de AlQaeda. La muerte fulminante del "enemigo número uno" de Estados Unidos Osama bin Laden ha dejado muchas interrogantes. El libro del profesor Chossudovsky puede contribuir a aclararlas. Aquí se han escogido algunos de los asuntos que se tratan en profundidad en el texto. Pueden enlazar con http://www.globalresearch.ca/ 
La reproducción del texto es gratuita. Pero se ruega publicar los datos del autor.

Ten Years Later: Who Is Osama bin Laden?
By Prof. Michel Chossudovsky

Since 2001, it has appeared on numerous websites.

The original September 12, 2001 posting is one of the most widely read articles on the internet, pertaining to Osama bin laden and Al Qaeda.

Within hours of the attacks, Osama bin Laden was identified as the architect of 9/11. On the following day, the "war on terrorism" had been launched. The media disinformation campaign went into full gear.  Afghanistan was identified as a "state sponsor of terror". The 9/11 attacks were categorized as an act of war, an attack on America by a foreign power.

The right to self-defense was put forth. On September 12, less than 24 hours after the attacks, NATO invoked for the first time in its history "Article 5 of the Washington Treaty - its collective defence clause" declaring the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center (WTC) and the Pentagon "to be an attack against all NATO members."

What happened subsequently, with the invasions of Afghanistan (October 2001) and Iraq (March 2003) is already part of history.

In the wake of the NATO sponsored "Liberation" of Libya (August 20011), Syria and Iran constitute the next phase of the US-NATO military roadmap.

9/11 remains the pretext and justification for waging a war without borders. In a bitter irony, the global war on terrorism (GWOT) is waged not against the terrorists but with "with the terrorists" (WTT), with the full support, as in Libya, of Al Qaeda affiliated paramilitary brigades under US-NATO supervision.

Excerpts from the Preface of America's "War on Terrorism", Second edition, Global Research, 2005:

At eleven o’clock, on the morning of September 11, the Bush administration had already announced that Al Qaeda was responsible for the attacks on the World Trade Center (WTC) and the Pentagon.

This assertion was made prior to the conduct of an indepth police investigation.

That same evening at 9.30 pm, a "War Cabinet" was formed integrated by a select number of top intelligence and military advisors. And at 11.00 pm, at the end of that historic meeting at the White House, the "War on Terrorism" was officially launched.

The decision was announced to wage war against the Taliban and Al Qaeda in retribution for the 9/11 attacks.

The following morning on September 12th, the news headlines indelibly pointed to "state sponsorship" of the 9/11 attacks.

In chorus, the US media was calling for a military intervention against Afghanistan.

Barely four weeks later, on the 7th of October, Afghanistan was bombed and invaded by US troops.

Americans were led to believe that the decison to go to war had been taken on the spur of the moment, on the evening of September 11, in response to the attacks and their tragic consequences.

Little did the public realize that a large scale theater war is never planned and executed in a matter of weeks.

The decision to launch a war and send troops to Afghanistan had been taken well in advance of 9/11.

The "terrorist, massive, casualty-producing event" as it was later described by CentCom Commander General Tommy Franks, served to galvanize public opinion in support of a war agenda which was already in its final planning stage.

The tragic events of 9/11 provided the required justification to wage a war on "humanitarian grounds", with the full support of World public opinion and the endorsement of the "international community".

Several prominent "progressive" intellectuals made a case for "retaliation against terrorism", on moral and ethical grounds. The "just cause" military doctrine (jus ad bellum) was accepted and upheld at face value as a legitimate response to 9/11, without examining the fact that Washington had not only supported the "Islamic terror network", it was also instrumental in the installation of the Taliban government in 1996.

In the wake of 9/11, the antiwar movement was completely isolated. The trade unions and civil society organizations had swallowed the media lies and government propaganda. They had accepted a war of retribution against Afghanistan, an impoverished country of 30 million people.

I started writing on the evening of September 11, late into the night, going through piles of research notes, which I had previously collected on the history of Al Qaeda.

My first text entitled "Who is Osama bin Laden?" was completed and first published on September the 12th. (See full text of 9/12 article below).

From the very outset, I questioned the official story, which described nineteen Al Qaeda sponsored hijackers involved in a highly sophisticated and organized operation.

My first objective was to reveal the true nature of this illusive "enemy of America", who was "threatening the Homeland".

The myth of the "outside enemy" and the threat of "Islamic terrorists" was the cornerstone of the Bush adminstration’s military doctrine, used as a pretext to invade Afghanistan and Iraq, not to mention the repeal of civil liberties and constitutional government in America.

Without an "outside enemy", there could be no "war on terrorism". The entire national security agenda would collapse "like a deck of cards". The war criminals in high office would have no leg to stand on.

It was consequently crucial for the development of a coherent antiwar and civil rights movement, to reveal the nature of Al Qaeda and its evolving relationship to successive US adminstrations.

Amply documented but rarely mentioned by the mainstream media, Al Qaeda was a creation of the CIA going back to the Soviet-Afghan war. This was a known fact, corroborated by numerous sources including official documents of the US Congress.

The intelligence community had time and again acknowledged that they had indeed supported Osama bin Laden, but that in the wake of the Cold War: "he turned against us".

After 9/11, the campaign of media disinformation served not only to drown the truth but also to kill much of the historical evidence on how this illusive "outside enemy" had been fabricated and transformed into "Enemy Number One".

Michel Chossudovsky, Excerpts from the Preface of America's "War on Terrorism", Montreal, Global Research, 2005.

Who Is Osama Bin Laden?
by Michel Chossudovsky


September 12, 2001

A few hours after the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon, the Bush administration concluded without supporting evidence, that "Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaeda organisation were prime suspects". CIA Director George Tenet stated that bin Laden has the capacity to plan ``multiple attacks with little or no warning.'' Secretary of State Colin Powell called the attacks "an act of war" and President Bush confirmed in an evening televised address to the Nation that he would "make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbor them". Former CIA Director James Woolsey pointed his finger at "state sponsorship," implying the complicity of one or more foreign governments. In the words of former National Security Adviser, Lawrence Eagleburger, "I think we will show when we get attacked like this, we are terrible in our strength and in our retribution."

Meanwhile, parroting official statements, the Western media mantra has approved the launching of "punitive actions" directed against civilian targets in the Middle East. In the words of William Saffire writing in the New York Times: "When we reasonably determine our attackers' bases and camps, we must pulverize them -- minimizing but accepting the risk of collateral damage" -- and act overtly or covertly to destabilize terror's national hosts".

The following text outlines the history of Osama Bin Laden and the links of the Islamic "Jihad" to the formulation of US foreign policy during the Cold War and its aftermath.

1) Prime suspect in the New York and Washington terrorists attacks, branded by the FBI as an "international terrorist" for his role in the African US embassy bombings, Saudi born Osama bin Laden was recruited during the Soviet-Afghan war "ironically under the auspices of the CIA, to fight Soviet invaders".

2) In 1979 "the largest covert operation in the history of the CIA" was launched in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in support of the pro-Communist government of Babrak Kamal.

3) With the active encouragement of the CIA and Pakistan's ISI [Inter Services Intelligence], who wanted to turn the Afghan jihad into a global war waged by all Muslim states against the Soviet Union, some 35,000 Muslim radicals from 40 Islamic countries joined Afghanistan's fight between 1982 and 1992. Tens of thousands more came to study in Pakistani madrasahs. Eventually more than 100,000 foreign Muslim radicals were directly influenced by the Afghan jihad.

The Islamic "jihad" was supported by the United States and Saudi Arabia with a significant part of the funding generated from the Golden Crescent drug trade:

4) In March 1985, President Reagan signed National Security Decision Directive 166,...[which] authorize[d] stepped-up covert military aid to the mujahideen, and it made clear that the secret Afghan war had a new goal: to defeat Soviet troops in Afghanistan through covert action and encourage a Soviet withdrawal. The new covert U.S. assistance began with a dramatic increase in arms supplies -- a steady rise to 65,000 tons annually by 1987, ... as well as a "ceaseless stream" of CIA and Pentagon specialists who traveled to the secret headquarters of Pakistan's ISI on the main road near Rawalpindi, Pakistan. There the CIA specialists met with Pakistani intelligence officers to help plan operations for the Afghan rebels.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) using Pakistan's military Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) played a key role in training the Mujahideen. In turn, the CIA sponsored guerrilla training was integrated with the teachings of Islam:

Michel Chossudovsky is the author of the international best America’s "War on Terrorism" Second Edition, Global Research, 2005. He is Professor of Economics (emeritus) at the University of Ottawa and Director of the Center for Research on Globalization.

media inquiries crgeditor@yahoo.com

Related article: Where was Osama on September 11, 2001? by Michel Chossudovsky, 9 September 2006


Hugh Davies, International: `Informers' point the finger at bin Laden; Washington on alert for suicide bombers, The Daily Telegraph, London, 24 August 1998.

See Fred Halliday, "The Un-great game: the Country that lost the Cold War, Afghanistan, New Republic, 25 March 1996):

Ahmed Rashid, The Taliban: Exporting Extremism, Foreign Affairs, November-December 1999.

Steve Coll, Washington Post, July 19, 1992.

Dilip Hiro, Fallout from the Afghan Jihad, Inter Press Services, 21 November 1995.

Weekend Sunday (NPR); Eric Weiner, Ted Clark; 16 August 1998.


Dipankar Banerjee; Possible Connection of ISI With Drug Industry, India Abroad, 2 December 1994.


See Diego Cordovez and Selig Harrison, Out of Afghanistan: The Inside Story of the Soviet Withdrawal, Oxford university Press, New York, 1995. See also the review of Cordovez and Harrison in International Press Services, 22 August 1995.

Alfred McCoy, Drug fallout: the CIA's Forty Year Complicity in the Narcotics Trade. The Progressive; 1 August 1997.



Douglas Keh, Drug Money in a changing World, Technical document no 4, 1998, Vienna UNDCP, p. 4. See also Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 1999, E/INCB/1999/1 United Nations Publication, Vienna 1999, p 49-51, And Richard Lapper, UN Fears Growth of Heroin Trade, Financial Times, 24 February 2000.

Report of the International Narcotics Control Board, op cit, p 49-51, see also Richard Lapper, op. cit.

International Press Services, 22 August 1995.

Ahmed Rashid, The Taliban: Exporting Extremism, Foreign Affairs, November- December, 1999, p. 22.

Quoted in the Christian Science Monitor, 3 September 1998)

Tim McGirk, Kabul learns to live with its bearded conquerors, The Independent, London, 6 November1996.

See K. Subrahmanyam, Pakistan is Pursuing Asian Goals, India Abroad, 3 November 1995.

Levon Sevunts, Who's calling the shots?: Chechen conflict finds Islamic roots in Afghanistan and Pakistan, The Gazette, Montreal, 26 October 1999..



See Vitaly Romanov and Viktor Yadukha, Chechen Front Moves To Kosovo Segodnia, Moscow, 23 Feb 2000.

The European, 13 February 1997, See also Itar-Tass, 4-5 January 2000.

BBC, 29 September 1999.

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domingo, 11 de septiembre de 2011

EEUU destina 60 millones de dólares en defensa biológica.

Tras los ataques del 9/11 se produjeron en Estados Unidos unos inquietantes envíos de sobres conteniendo esporas de antrax, un pelligroso agente biológico.

El asunto ,que no se llegó a esclarecer en profundidad.  dejó al menos 5 muertos.

El ataque con antrax resultó una llamada de alerta sobre la importancia real de las armas biológicas.

La preparación de agentes biológicos como la viruela o la turalemia no requiere demasiados recursos.

Frente a las armas biológicas lo único que se puede hacer es tener a punto métodos de diagnóstico, vacunas y medicamentos.

Entre 2001 y 2011 Estados Unidos ha destinado un presupuesto de 60 millones de dólares para apuntalar un sistema sanitario en precarias condiciones frente al reto de agentes biológicos.

Se creo el Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority (BARDA) con el objetivo de contar con un "Bioescudo", y comprar vacunas y medicamentos.

Dentro del programa de defensa frente a armas biológicas resulta muy importante el US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, que se alzó con unos 1,5 millones de presupuesto.

El día que cambió el planeta:9/11

Es que no falla: allí donde hay problemas o puede haberlos, allí estoy yo. Y algo tiene que ver con el número once, aunque reconozco que esto es una ridícula teoría sin base racional. Pero sin embargo no falla.

Total, que el 9/11 yo me encontraba impartiendo docencia en Carolina del Norte. Había terminado la primera hora de la mañana y me disponía al cambio de grupo.

Algo muy extraño empezó a circular entre las clases. Se expandía una sensación  de angustia indefinida e imperiosa. No tenía nada que ver con la actividad un poco enloquecida usual de los estudiantes en los pasillos. Algunos profesores iban de un lado a otro. Hablaban entre ellos.

No recuerdo quien mencionó por primera vez la palabra "Nueva York". Luego se supo que se trataba de un avión que había impactado contra una de las Torres Gemelas (World Trade Center). Nos preguntábamos si había sido un accidente. Todo era muy raro.

Pero de pronto estalló la consternación y el sentimiento de espanto.

Fue cuando vimos en directo el segundo avión chocar contra la otra torre, que hasta ese momento estaba indemne. 

Yo me encontraba ante el televisor de la clase de la profesora de Historia, una mujer especialmente cálida.

Allí nos reunimos tres docentes en estado de auténtica consternación.

-"This is evil", dije y recordé que nos encontrábamos muy cerca de dos centrales nucleares que bien podían resultar objetivos en caso de un ataque aéreo.

Poco después de lo de las Torres Gemelas conocimos que había habido un ataque contra el Pentágono, y que otro avión se había estrellado en Pensilvania. En total parecían ser 4 los aparatos implicados.

Los estudiantes, de edades comprendidas entre unos minúsculos doce hasta unos problemáticos 16 estaban, como era de esperar ansiosos, asustados y dispuestos a dar muchísima guerra. No era para menos.

Nos preguntaban todo lo que ignorábamos. Querían que les dejáramos ver la tele que repetía las imágenes una y otra vez.  Algunos, en lo que pienso que podía ser  una forma de negación del asunto, querían que no hubieran clases, como solía ocurrir los días de nevadas sorpresivas.

La hora de la comida parecía un auténtico velorio. Las trabajadoras que servían la comida no paraban de hacer comentarios entre ellas.

Ese día no pagué los escasos dólares de un menú cargado de queso. La señora de la caja andaba pegada a un televisor: It´s ok, me dijo y pasó de mi.

En el amplio salón comedor, dotado de suficientes mesas individuales para ser ocupadas por estudiantes, alumnos y trabajadores, nos sentamos por grupos muy marcados.

Varios eran de profesores que comían sin a penas cruzar palabras. Otros de alumnos que por una vez no resultaban tan bullangueros como de costumbre.

Había una mesa ocupada por los trabajadores auxiliares: nuestro bedel, la señora de la limpieza y el policía del centro, dos metros por dos metros de buena gente, que soportaba la ingrata tarea de prevenir la acción de "camellos" juveniles, casos de temprana prostitución y un largísimo etcetera. Todos ellos afroamericanos.

Los saludé pero preferí sentarme en un rincón para llorar tranquila.

Del señor presidente no teníamos noticias. La sensación era de desamparo total.

Mucho más tarde, el informe encargado por el gobierno de EEUU para investigar qué había fallado, destapó una catarata de errores, omisiones y descuidos.

Los instigadores de las acciones terroristas del 9/11 nunca han comparecido ante un tribunal. En realidad no se ha hecho justicia.

En cuestión de horas surgieron numerosas teorías conspiratorias: tal vez la más peculiar fue una que llamaba la atención sobre el ataque al Pentágono, ya que aseguraba que no se pudo encontrar los restos del avión.

Tras una década de guerras por el petróleo, no se han celebrado juicios formales contra los instigadores de los atentados. La muerte de bin Laden no ha significado que se haya hecho justicia.

El informe del gobierno estadounidense, elaborado por un selecto equipo de civiles y militares, resulta un registro minucioso de fallos  de seguridad a todos los niveles.